Kesmonds Research Institute
The mineral-rich east of the Democratic Republic of Congo has been dogged by conflict for more than 30 years, since the 1994 Rwandan genocide. Numerous armed groups have competed with the central authorities for power and control of the potential fortune in this vast nation. The instability has sucked in neighbouring countries to devastating effect – notoriously in the 1990s when two huge conflicts, dubbed Africa’s World Wars, resulted in the deaths of millions of people.
What is happening in Goma?
After a rapid advance in the region, fighters from the M23 rebel group have captured almost all of Goma – a major city of more than a million people in the east of DR Congo. Sitting on the border with Rwanda and the shores of Lake Kivu, it is a vital trading and transport hub that is within reach of mining towns supplying metals and minerals in high demand such as gold, tin and coltan, which is a key component of mobile phones and other consumer electronics. UN aid agencies have warned of a major humanitarian crisis with shortages of food and water, hospitals overwhelmed by casualties and bodies lying on the streets. The M23 has also threatened to continue its offensive to the capital, Kinshasa, although analysts say this may be unlikely, as it is 2,600km (1,600 miles) away, on the other side of this vast country.
Who are the M23?
The M23 are led by ethnic Tutsis, who say they needed to take up arms to protect the rights of the minority group. They say that several previous deals to end the fighting have not been respected – they take their name from a peace agreement that was signed on 23 March 2009. Shortly after its creation in 2012, the M23 rapidly gained territory and seized Goma – acts that were met with international opprobrium and accusations of war crimes and human rights violations. It was forced to withdraw from Goma, and then suffered a series of heavy defeats at the hands of the Congolese army along with a UN force that saw it expelled from the country. M23 fighters then agreed to be integrated into the army in return for promises that Tutsis would be protected. But, in 2021, the group took up arms again, saying the promises had been broken.
Is Rwanda involved in the fighting?
M23 leader Sultani Makenga is a Congolese Tutsi who previously fought in the Rwandan army. Rwanda has in the past consistently denied that it supported the M23, but ever since 2012 UN experts have accused it of providing weapons, logistical support and even ultimately commanding the rebels. DR Congo’s government, as well as the US and France, have also identified Rwanda as backing the group. Last year, a UN experts report said that up to 4,000 Rwandan troops were fighting alongside the M23. On Friday, Rwandan government spokesperson Yolande Makolo told the BBC that the country’s troops were deployed along its border to prevent the conflict spilling over to its territory. Rwanda previously said it was being scapegoated and blamed the recent fighting on the Congolese authorities, saying they had refused to enter into a dialogue with the M23. A peace process, mediated by Angola and involving Rwanda and DR Congo, did result in a ceasefire deal last year, however that soon fell apart and fighting resumed.
What is the connection with Rwanda?
The origin of the current fighting can partly be traced back to the genocide in Rwanda in 1994. About 800,000 people – the vast majority from the Tutsi community – were slaughtered by ethnic Hutu extremists. The genocide ended with the advance of a force of Tutsi-led rebels commanded by Paul Kagame, who is now president. Fearing reprisals, an estimated one million Hutus then fled across the border to what is now DR Congo. This stoked ethnic tensions as a marginalised Tutsi group in the east – the Banyamulenge – felt increasingly under threat. Rwanda’s army twice invaded DR Congo, saying it was going after some of those responsible for the genocide, and worked with members of the Banyamulenge and other armed groups. After 30 years of conflict, one of the Hutu groups, the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR), which includes some of those responsible for the Rwandan genocide, is still active in eastern DR Congo. Rwanda describes the FDLR as a “genocidal militia” and says its continued existence in the DR Congo’s east threatens its own territory. The Rwandan spokesperson said they wanted to return to Rwanda to “finish the job”. It accuses the Congolese authorities of working with the FDLR – accusations which DR Congo denies. Rwanda is unlikely to stay out of DR Congo unless it is satisfied that the FDLR is no longer a threat to itself, or to the Tutsi communities in eastern DR Congo.
What role does Rwanda play?
Rwanda’s involvement in the DRC is a point of international tension. Rwandan leaders have repeatedly denied supporting the M23 rebels, but since 2012, UN experts and human rights organizations state explicitly that Rwanda supports M23 in the form of providing logistics, weapons and even personnel. In part, this history has origins in the 1994 Rwandan genocide, during which 800,000 people, primarily from the Tutsi community, were slaughtered by ethnic Hutu extremists. The genocide ended with Rwanda’s current president, Paul Kagame, leading a force of Tutsu rebels. Many Hutu then fled across the border to the DR Congo. Kagame has called for the need to neutralize the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR), a Hutu rebel group operating in eastern DRC. His government claims some members of this group who participated in the 1994 genocide pose a direct threat to Rwanda’s security. However, the DRC government accuses Rwanda of using the conflict as a cover for exploiting its natural resources, particularly in areas controlled by M23. Mineral trade, including the illegal trafficking of gold and coltan, is a lucrative business that allegedly benefits Rwanda while destabilizing the DRC. Dr. Hassan Khannenje, the Director of the HORN International Institute for Strategic Studies, told DW that Rwanda is unlikely to leave the DRC in peace anytime soon. “Rwanda has, is, and will always be involved in the DRC. The country is of strategic and national interest to Rwanda, so it’s not only about the minerals,” he told DW. “However, the minerals tend to fuel the fire,” he added. Khannenje said competing rebel groups give additional “rationale to occupy parts of DRC.” The diplomatic fallout has been severe. On January 26, the DRC severed diplomatic ties with Rwanda. Regional efforts to mediate have yielded little progress.
What about Congo’s mineral wealth?
DR Congo and multiple UN reports have accused Rwanda of using the conflict as a way of looting Congolese minerals, such as gold and coltan, which is used to make mobile phones and other electronic items such as cameras and inside cars. In recent years, the M23 has seized several lucrative mining areas and a report by UN experts last December said that around 120 tonnes of coltan was being sent by the M23 to Rwanda every four weeks. They also noted a huge rise in Rwanda’s mineral exports in recent years, most of which is believed to come from DR Congo. Rwanda has consistently denied allegations of exploiting DR Congo’s minerals.
What are the UN peacekeepers doing?
A UN peacekeeping mission has been in place since 1999. The current force – known as Monusco – is made up of more than 10,000 troops. However, of these, only the Force Intervention Brigade is allowed to carry out offensive operations against armed groups. It was this force that helped defeat the M23 in 2013. Monusco has been the target of anger from ordinary Congolese who see it as failing to do its job. President Félix Tshisekedi, deeming the mission a failure, had asked it to leave by the end of last year. But the departure was delayed and in December the mission was extended for another year. The Southern African Development Community (Sadc), a regional grouping of 16 countries, has also deployed a military force to eastern DR Congo, but it has been unable to halt the rebels. South Africa said 13 of its soldiers had been killed in clashes with rebels as they were trying to stop the advance on Goma. Three Malawian soldiers have also been killed. Cyril Ramaphosa, South Africa’s president, warned Rwanda that further attacks on its troops would be considered a “declaration of war”. Rwanda’s President Paul Kagame hit back, accusing South Africa of being part of a “belligerent force” involved in “offensive combat operations”. The UN said that Uruguay had lost one of its soldiers who was part of the Monusco force.
Explained: What to know about the armed conflict in DRC
The armed conflict between the M23/AFC armed group and the Congolese army, backed by their allies, has spread from North Kivu to the neighbouring province of South Kivu. Emmanuel Lampaert, Médecins Sans Frontières / Doctors Without Borders (MSF)’s representative in Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), provides an update on the situation and MSF’s response. The northeast of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) has endured decades of insecurity since the fallout of the 1994 genocide in neighbouring Rwanda. Driven by ethnic tensions and a fight for resources, the protracted violence involves over 100 armed groups (such as the widely-known M23), as well as Congolese government forces and UN peacekeepers. Millions of people have been displaced, infectious disease outbreaks are frequent and access to essential healthcare is a critical need.
What is the current situation in North and South Kivu?
“In Lubero territory, in North Kivu, the conflict resumed in December with huge numbers of people being forced to flee their homes. It continued in Masisi territory, where intense fighting took place in January, particularly for control of the town of Masisi Centre. The conflict then moved down towards South Kivu, to Minova and Numbi in Kalehe territory. During the hostilities, the M23/AFC managed to take control of several towns. In recent days the fighting has moved closer to the provincial capital of Goma, with intense clashes in Sake, just 12.5 miles from the city. Artillery explosions can be heard regularly from Goma. Fighting is taking place on all the roads around Goma and has led to a new influx of displaced people into the city, including from some camps on the outskirts of the city where people flee towards Goma, in a situation of panic.”
How is this situation affecting the population?
“Unsurprisingly, the humanitarian consequences for the population are very serious. According to the United Nations, 400,000 people have already fled since January. Tens of thousands of people exhausted by almost three years of fighting are now headed for displacement sites around Goma, where more than 650,000 people are already living. The clashes in recent weeks have led to a new influx of people into these completely unhygienic sites where – as we have been saying for far too long – families are surviving without proper shelter and lacking everything: food, water, healthcare, etc. Unfortunately, these sites are not spared from the fighting. Rockets are being fired near these camps or the health facilities where people have sought shelter. It’s appalling and unacceptable. We are also seeing a very worrying proportion of civilians among the hundreds of wounded we are helping to treat. Some are victims of stray bullets, but others are victims of the warring parties’ failure to respect certain basic rules of conflict. In Masisi, the hospital we support came under fire while more than 10,000 people were seeking shelter. Two people were hit just outside the hospital and two of our staff were injured by rocket fire. The presence of combatants or artillery positions in close proximity to health facilities and camps for internally displaced people puts lives at immediate risk. It is important for everyone to remember that even war has its rules.”
What is MSF’s current response on the ground?
“We are doing our utmost to maintain our regular and emergency activities, but in some areas we have had to limit the risks by reducing the size of our teams. Around Goma, for example, direct armed violence has reduced our ability to go to certain affected sites over the past two days, although we continue to supply medical facilities, help them prepare for an influx of wounded, and bring in fuel to run water pumps as soon as conditions allow. This allows these facilities to continue to function, even with a more limited presence of our teams. In Goma itself, we continue to support the Kyeshero Hospital to treat some of the wounded and to relieve the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), which is on the front line treating the wounded at the Ndosho hospital. It is clear that the hospitals in Goma are completely overwhelmed by the number of wounded. In the rest of North and South Kivu, despite the security and logistical challenges and restrictions on movement, we are maintaining our presence and continuing to treat patients, including the wounded. In three weeks, nearly 400 casualties have been treated at the Minova General Referral Hospital, the Numbi Hospital Centre and the Masisi General Referral Hospital. We are also continuing to support displaced people in more remote areas, such as Lubero, where we are also working to improve access to water in health facilities and at the Magasin site for displaced people.”
How is the conflict affecting Kigali-Kinshasa relationships?
The DRC has severed diplomatic ties with Rwanda as the fighting between the Congolese army and the M23 armed group intensifies. Tensions have escalated between presidents Tshisekedi and Kagame since the M23 resurgence in 2022. On the campaign trail for re-election in December, Tshisekedi called Kagame “Hitler” and threatened all-out war. Kinshasa, as well as the UN and the US, have accused Rwanda of supporting M23. Kigali in turn blames Kinshasa for arming the FDLR, one of the Hutu militias that sprung from the civil wars and that is attacking Rwanda. Anti-Rwanda protests erupted in Goma in February 2024, with demonstrators burning Rwandan flags, as well as those of Western countries seen to be backing Kigali. The UN has warned of the risk of a broader regional war.
What’s the effect of mining on the conflict?
The DRC is home to some of the world’s largest reserves of metals and rare earth minerals, like cobalt, considered essential in the lithium-ion batteries that power electric vehicles (EVs). As much as 70 percent of the world’s cobalt supply comes from the DRC. Coltan, used in gadgets like PlayStations and smartphones, is also plentiful in the eastern DRC. Mineral resources have long been a factor in the protracted crisis, with various armed groups battling for control of lucrative diamond and gold mines and using the earnings to fund wars. Leaders of these groups have been accused of child labour in the mines and of attacking and exploiting mining communities. During the civil wars, Rwandan and Ugandan troops looted DRC’s minerals, although only Kampala was forced by the International Court of Justice (ICJ) to pay reparations to the DRC for the economic damage caused. In 2010, a US law forced companies to evaluate where their minerals are sourced from and reduce conflict minerals or so-called “blood diamonds” from global supply. A few countries currently mine in the DRC, partnering with state mining companies. China dominates among them, with its companies controlling 15 of 17 cobalt mines, according to the Australian Strategic Policy Institute. Chinese concessions are in return for infrastructure projects in the DRC. There is also Switzerland-based Glencore which owns two copper and cobalt mines: Kamoto Copper Company (KCC) and Mutanda. Lastly, the United Arab Emirates signed a $1.9bn deal with a state mining company in July 2023 to develop four mines for tin, tantalum, tungsten and gold in the turbulent eastern Kivu and Maniema provinces.
How did M23 and other major rebel groups emerge?
The arming and counter-arming of rebel militias by the Congolese government and foreign actors means there are now between 120 to 140 rebel groups. Several peace agreements with some of the groups over the years were meant to see operations stop and fighters integrate with the Congolese army but have failed to permanently end their activities. The latest was the East African Community-led Nairobi Peace Process (June 2022) and the Luanda Roadmap (November 2022). The most active armed groups at the moment are the M23, CODECO, and the ADF.
M23: Operating in the North Kivu province, the group takes its name from the March 23 Agreement of 2009 when the DRC government, under President Joseph Kabila — son of Laurent-Desire Kabila — signed a ceasefire treaty with the Tutsi-majority National Congress for the Defence of the People (CNDP), one of the numerous groups of fighters active since the Second Congo War. In the agreement, the CNDP was meant to become a political party and its fighters were to integrate into the Congolese military, FARDC. However, on April 4, 2012, 300 CNDP soldiers revolted, complaining of poor treatment in the army. They formed the M23, claiming to be fighting for Tutsis’ rights in the DRC. In late 2012, M23 launched an offensive, seizing Goma and several other towns. A special UN force along with FARDC pushed the rebels back into the eastern hills on the border with Rwanda in 2013. M23 resurfaced in 2022 with violent attacks and has seized at least four towns in North Kivu. The group briefly withdrew from occupied towns in January 2023 as part of the Nairobi Peace Process, but the ceasefire fell apart in October. Fighting between M23 rebels and FARDC erupted again at the beginning of last year.
ADF: Originally from Uganda, the Allied Democratic Forces (ADF) also operates in the eastern DRC, in the regions bordering Uganda. The group initially claimed to be fighting for an Islamic state in Uganda, where Muslims make up a minority of between 15 and 35 percent. It is not clear what boundaries the reclusive ADF wants to claim, but the group first settled in Buseruka, western Uganda, before it was pushed back into the DRC. But it has recruited along secular lines over the years. Formed in 1996, during the First Congo War, it used a weak DRC as its base to launch attacks into Uganda. Ugandan troops used their presence in the DRC during the two wars to attack ADF fighters. The group went dormant in 2001 and resurfaced in 2013. It is now reportedly linked to the ISIL (ISIS) armed group.
CODECO: The Cooperative for Development of the Congo (CODECO) was formed in 1999 during the Second Congo War. It operates in eastern Ituri. It was initially an agricultural cooperative, but it started to advocate for the Lendu ethnic group, who believed they were unfairly dominated by the rival Hema ethnic group. After a period of dormancy, CODECO launched offensives in 2017 and has continued to attack local civilians and Congolese forces. In February 2024, CODECO ambushed civilians, killing 15 people believed to be Hema in a likely continuation of the rivalry. The group has also targeted gold mines in recent weeks.
Other actors: Also operating are several pro-government militias and “Mai Mai” vigilante groups jointly called the Wazalendos, fighting with the Congolese army. Some 40,000 Wazalendos have undergone military training since 2022, when current President Felix Tshisekedi called for young Congolese to help defend the country. There is also the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR), an ethnic Hutu group active since the final years of the Second Congo War and backed by the Congolese army, according to a UN Experts Group report. Some of its leaders took part in the 1994 Rwandan genocide. FDLR, FARDC and Wazalendos have carried out extrajudicial civilian killings and sexual assaults, and exploited local communities, Human Rights Watch said in 2022.
Compiled by Prof. Dr. Atanga Desmond Funwie
